{"id":3037,"date":"2014-07-26T21:18:33","date_gmt":"2014-07-26T21:18:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/?p=3037"},"modified":"2014-07-26T21:18:33","modified_gmt":"2014-07-26T21:18:33","slug":"jefferson-marshall-union","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/blog\/2014\/07\/jefferson-marshall-union\/","title":{"rendered":"Thomas Jefferson versus John Marshall on the Nature of the American Union (2006) &#8211; Article by G. Stolyarov II"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http:\/\/rationalbusinessjournal.rationalargumentator.com\/tophatwhitesm.jpg\" alt=\"The New Renaissance Hat\" width=\"150\" height=\"150\" \/><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #000080;\"><strong><big><big>G. Stolyarov II<br \/>\n<\/big><\/big><\/strong><\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\"><big><span style=\"color: #000080;\">July 26, 2014<\/span><br \/>\n<\/big><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\">******************************<\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Note from the Author: <\/strong><em>This essay was originally written in 2006 and published in two parts on Associated Content (subsequently, Yahoo! Voices) in 2007.\u00a0 The essay earned over 1,900 page views on Associated Content\/Yahoo! Voices, and I seek to preserve it as a valuable resource for readers, subsequent to the imminent closure of Yahoo! Voices. Therefore, this essay is being published directly on The Rational Argumentator for the first time.\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">***<\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: right;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><em>~ G. Stolyarov II, July 26, 2014<\/em><\/span><\/div>\n<p><span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">*<\/span><\/p>\n<h1 style=\"text-align: center;\">Thomas Jefferson&#8217;s Views on the American Union as a Compact Among the States<\/h1>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">***<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Early American political thought about the Union&#8217;s nature was divided into two radically different perspectives. One of these was expressed by Thomas Jefferson&#8217;s 1798 Kentucky Resolutions, which viewed the Union as a loose compact of the states, whose legislatures could overrule and judge the constitutionality of the federal government&#8217;s actions. The South Carolina Declaration of Causes (1860) and the Mississippi Resolutions (1861) developed this position-using Jefferson&#8217;s premises to justify Southern states&#8217; secession from the Union.<\/p>\n<p>Jefferson portrayed the Union as voluntarily entered into by the states; the states were &#8220;not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government&#8221; (KR, 153). The Union was created by the ratification of the Constitution, which served as a &#8220;compact&#8221; by which the states &#8220;delegated&#8230; certain definite powers&#8221; to the general government (KR, 154). The government&#8217;s exercise of powers not expressly granted to it by the Constitution was thus illegitimate. For Jefferson, the Constitution both defined and limited the Union&#8217;s nature and essence.<\/p>\n<p>To keep the national government one of limited and expressly delegated powers, Jefferson warned that it should not be &#8220;the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself&#8221; (KR, 154), since that would allow the government to define the scope of its powers and dissociate these powers from their original source &#8211; the states. The states &#8211; as parties to the Constitutional compact &#8211; have no common judge among them; hence, &#8220;each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of the infractions as of the mode and measure of redress&#8221; (KR, 154). Jefferson acknowledged state legislatures&#8217; right to judge federal actions&#8217; constitutionality.<\/p>\n<p>The South Carolina and the Mississippi legislatures agreed with Jefferson that the Union was a compact among the &#8220;free and independent states,&#8221; whose sovereignty was asserted in the 1776 Declaration of Independence (SCDC, 310). In 1787, deputies sent by the states affirmed the &#8220;Articles of Union&#8221;-the Constitution-which defined the Union and required the states&#8217; consent to take effect (SCDC, 311). The South Carolina Declaration emphasized that &#8211; while only nine out of thirteen states needed to ratify the Constitution for it to be adopted-those that refused to ratify it would have remained &#8220;separate, sovereign states&#8230; exercise[ing] the functions of&#8230; independent nation[s]&#8221; (SCDC, 311). Via the Tenth Amendment, the Constitution assured that all powers not expressly delegated to the national government were left to the states or the people, while the federal government remained &#8220;limited to the express words of the grant&#8221; (SCDC, 311).<\/p>\n<p>In the Southern legislatures&#8217; view, the Constitution established the &#8220;law of compact&#8221; (SCDC, 311), which required mutual reciprocity of obligations on behalf of all parties to the Union. If any party &#8211; such as the Northern states &#8211; refused to fulfill its Constitutional obligations and infringed on the rights of the other parties, the Union was dissolved and &#8220;the ends for which this government was instituted have been defeated&#8221; (SCDC, 312). The Mississippi Resolution asserted that whenever the compact is thus destroyed, &#8220;parties to the compact have the right to resume, each state for itself, such delegated powers&#8221; (MR, 314) as they had formerly granted the national government. According to the Mississippi Resolution, the Northern states&#8217; explicit unwillingness to enforce the Constitution&#8217;s fugitive slave clause justified the Southern states&#8217; secession from the Union (MR, 315). Jefferson&#8217;s Kentucky Resolutions and the declarations of the South Carolina and Mississippi legislatures viewed the Union as a compact of sovereign states that retained broad powers and could exercise them to counter federal abuses.<\/p>\n<h1 style=\"text-align: center;\">John Marshall&#8217;s View of the American Union as a Direct Association of the People<\/h1>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">***<\/span><\/p>\n<p>John Marshall&#8217;s <i>McCulloch v. Maryland<\/i> (1819) decision stated a view which directly contradicted Thomas Jefferson &#8211; a view of the Union as a direct association of the people &#8211; not of the states. Marshall denied states the ability to overrule federal actions. Abraham Lincoln&#8217;s First Inaugural Address (1861) reinforced this view and argued that the Union was perpetual and could not be dissolved by individual states.<\/p>\n<p>Marshall&#8217;s vision of the Union differed sharply from Thomas Jefferson&#8217;s. According to Marshall and contrary to Jefferson, the Union was not a compact between the states, but an association created directly by the people. Although the Constitutional Convention&#8217;s delegates were elected by state legislatures, the Constitution itself was &#8220;submitted to the people&#8221; (MMD, 149) for ratification. The Constitutional Convention&#8217;s delegates ordained that special conventions in the states &#8211; not the state legislatures &#8211; ratify the Constitution. Marshall emphasized that &#8220;from these conventions, the constitution derives its whole authority&#8221; (MMD, 149); thus, &#8220;[the] government proceeds directly from the people&#8221; (MMD, 149). The states were only instrumental to the Union insofar as their legislatures &#8220;called a convention, and thus submit[ed] that instrument to the people&#8221; (MMD, 149).<\/p>\n<p>Marshall believed that the national government was granted enumerated powers by the people and was hence free to exercise those powers &#8220;directly on them, and for their benefit&#8221; (MMD, 149), without states&#8217; interference. Marshall&#8217;s view, unlike Jefferson&#8217;s, does not permit the states to overrule an act of Congress or to declare it unconstitutional. Marshall interpreted the Constitution&#8217;s &#8220;necessary and proper&#8221; clause to mean that &#8220;the government of the Union, though limited in its powers, is supreme within its sphere of action&#8221; (MMD, 150); it could use any means necessary to fulfill powers expressly delegated to it, and the states could not legitimately overrule its actions.<\/p>\n<p>Abraham Lincoln challenged claims that the Union was founded via the Constitution. Lincoln traced the Union&#8217;s origin back to the Articles of Association in 1774; the Constitution&#8217;s purpose was not to create the Union, but merely to &#8220;form a more perfect&#8221; one (FIA, 121). The Union is not conditional; it &#8220;is perpetual,&#8221; since &#8220;no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination&#8221; (FIA, 121). The Constitution provides no terms under which the Union might be destroyed; therefore, it will continue to &#8220;endure forever&#8221; if the Constitution is followed (FIA, 121). Lincoln developed this argument to claim that &#8220;no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union&#8221; (FIA, 122); any attempt at secession amounts to insurrection. Secession would only set a highly negative precedent for any minority that did not acquiesce to the majority&#8217;s decisions. Lincoln saw it necessary for the Union to maintain itself by all constitutional means-though he initially hoped to avoid bloodshed in reconciling the states.<\/p>\n<p>John Marshall and Abraham Lincoln saw the Union as a perpetual association of the people &#8211; incapable of being overruled or dissolved by individual states&#8217; actions. This view, incompatible with the ideas of those who saw the Union as a compact among the states, fueled disputes that would eventually culminate in the Civil War.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>G. Stolyarov II July 26, 2014 ****************************** Note from the Author: This essay was originally written in 2006 and published in two parts on Associated Content (subsequently, Yahoo! Voices) in 2007.\u00a0 The essay earned over 1,900 page views on Associated Content\/Yahoo! Voices, and I seek to preserve it as a valuable resource for readers, subsequent to the imminent closure of Yahoo! Voices. Therefore, this essay is being published directly on The Rational Argumentator for the first time.\u00a0\u00a0 *** ~ G&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p class=\"read-more\"><a class=\"btn btn-default\" href=\"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/blog\/2014\/07\/jefferson-marshall-union\/\"> Read More<span class=\"screen-reader-text\">  Read More<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[2339,1406,616,3364,37,40,3363,3366,3365,3223,2109,25],"class_list":["post-3037","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-history","tag-abraham-lincoln","tag-civil-war","tag-constitution","tag-enumerated-power","tag-federal-government","tag-g-stolyarov-ii","tag-john-marshall","tag-kentucky-resolutions","tag-mcculloch-v-maryland","tag-secession","tag-thomas-jefferson","tag-united-states"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3037","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3037"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3037\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3038,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3037\/revisions\/3038"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3037"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3037"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rationalargumentator.com\/index\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3037"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}